The usurp regime seeks to neutralize the interim president of Venezuela, recognized by more than fifty countries. In less than a week, Maduro has used the General Attorney and the President of the Supreme Court to disable for 15 years and to strip the immunity of the President of the National Assembly and Venezuela interim President, Juan Guaidó.

Thirteen days ago, the usurper regime tested the degree of commitment that the international community has with Guaidó, arresting its chief of staff, Roberto Marrero. The United States responded that there would be "immediate and harsh" consequences. "The government [of Maduro] is going to learn that these are events that have immediate and hard results", said the special envoy of the United States for Venezuela, Elliott Abrams.

On the other hand, the Republican senator for the state of Florida, Marco Rubio, said in a tweet on March 21 that Marrero's arrest was looking "to evaluate the international response for [Maduro] calculate, how and when, the arrest of Guaidó".

Until now, Marrero is in jail at "El Helicoide" under charges manufactured by the usurping regime of conspiracy, money laundering and concealment of weapons of war, without "immediate and harsh" consequences for Maduro.

Last Sunday, Fareed Zakaria on his CNN program, GPS, asked Elliott Abrams "outline for me how you think this end". To which he replied: "I would say, you know, we applied sanctions about two months ago, and some of them were suspended for 90 days or 180 days. So, we are in this at a very early point. And I have been cautioning people both in the diplomatic community and the press. It was never our view that this was four-week phenomena and then Maduro would be gone. This is a struggle against a dictator who is a vicious dictator and has outside support from Russia and Cuba".

That is to say, that the time of the Trump Administration for stopping Maduro to usurp the presidency is from 3 to 6 months.

"So, we did not think that this would happen quickly. How does it end? It ends when the pressures have mounted to a sufficient degree. To convince Maduro and his colleague that their time is up, or convince the Venezuelan military that they have got to force Maduro out. So, it is people power; it is the Venezuelan military; it is people in the Chavista movement who realize that Maduro is destroying the movement that they thought they were a part of. We are not there yet obviously in the streets of Caracas or the military barracks, but we will get there", added Abrams.

Jackson Diehl, deputy editorial page editor of The Washington Post, Jackson Diehl wrote in his column last Sunday: "The most salient factor, however, may be that (...) the Venezuelans [Maduro] know that Trump is bluffing. There is no credible U.S. military option in Venezuela and very little chance that Trump would try one".

Diehl agrees with Abrams "it has to hope that sanctions, diplomatic pressure and, above all, a horrendous and steadily worsening humanitarian crisis for the 30 million or so people remaining in Venezuela eventually forces a change".

So, the usurper regime decided to speed up the pace to get Guaidó out of political activism. The roadmap is agreed. "A corrupt official that usurps the Attorney General's Office, asks an ex-convict who presides over the Supreme Court of Justice, that an illegitimate Constituent National Assembly strips a parliamentary immunity", tweeted Hugo Carvajal, former director of Intelligence and Military Counterintelligence of Hugo Chávez.

Faced with the supposed bluff of the US government, the mafia state (usurper regime) detects that there is again a time to act with impunity, repressing with the paramilitary groups (Colectivos) and the Force of Special Actions the civilian population that protests against pauperization of the country. And within this scenario, Maduro advances against the interim president, and in in May there will be an agenda aligned to the Mecanismo de Montevideo that would focus on a new presidential election.

To implement this solution is complicated because the crisis in Venezuela is not only an electoral crisis. The Maduro regime when it loses at the polls establishes the necessary institution for the mafia state to continue operating normally.

For this reason, the Attorney General's Office, the Supreme Court, and the National Constituent Assembly are the actors that the usurper regime uses to go after Guaidó.



English

Latest publications
El regreso de María Corina Machado
Politics, 4/Mar/2026
El horizonte petrolero de Venezuela 2026
Energy, 24/Feb/2026
Venezuela y el retorno de la política de poder
Politics, 17/Feb/2026
Producción petrolera crece, pero sin control del Estado
Energy, 3/Feb/2026
Venezuela después de Maduro: el interregno de la impunidad
Politics, 30/Jan/2026
Venezuela y la crisis orgánica del populismo rentista
Politics, 27/Jan/2026
Venezuela: cuando darle prioridad a la estabilidad erosiona la democracia
Politics, 20/Jan/2026
Cuando el petróleo deja de ser un botín y vuelve a ser un sistema
Politics, 13/Jan/2026
Venezuela después de la ficción
Politics, 6/Jan/2026
Las próximas horas del Cártel de los Soles
Politics, 2/Dec/2025
El Caribe arde
The Caribbean is burning again
Politics, 25/Nov/2025
Trump redibuja el conflicto con Venezuela: orden y caos
Trump reconfigures the venezuelan conflict: Order and chaos
Politics, 18/Nov/2025
La nueva Guerra Fría en el Caribe
The new Cold War in the Caribbean
Politics, 11/Nov/2025
Trump y Maduro: la coerción del silencio
Politics, 4/Nov/2025
Latest events
Children of Misery: Guns and Gangs in Central America
Hudson Institute - Center for Latin American Studies
September 10, 2014
Beyond Hugo Chávez: What to expect in Latin America
Hudson Institute - Center for Latin American Studies
May 8, 2013
XIV Seminario de Estrategias de Campañas Electorales - De la práctica a la práctica
The George Washington University - The Graduate School of Political Management
March 11 to 15, 2013